By Hans Kung
Because the 20th century attracts to an in depth and the push to globalization gathers momentum, political and financial issues are crowding out very important moral questions about the form of our destiny. Now, Hans K?ng, one of many world's preeminent Christian theologians, explores those concerns in a visionary and cautionary examine the arriving international society. How can the recent global order of the 21st century stay away from the horrors of the 20 th? Will international locations shape a true neighborhood or proceed to aggressively pursue their very own pursuits? Will the Machiavellian techniques of the earlier be triumphant over idealism and a extra humanitarian politics? What function can faith play in an international more and more ruled by means of transnational organisations? K?ng tackles those and lots of different questions with the perception and ethical authority that comes from a lifetime's devotion to the quest for justice and human dignity. Arguing opposed to either an amoral realpolitik and an immoral resurgence of laissez faire economics, K?ng defines a accomplished ethic based at the bedrock of mutual appreciate and humane therapy of all beings that might surround the ecological, criminal, technological, and social styles which are reshaping civilization. If we'll have an international economic climate, an international know-how, a world media, K?ng argues, we also needs to have a world ethic to which all countries, and peoples of the main assorted backgrounds and ideology, can devote themselves. "The world," he says, "is not likely to be held jointly through the Internet." For somebody fascinated with the area we're growing, an international Ethic for worldwide Politics and Economics deals equivalent measures of educated research, compassionate foresight, and clever counsel.
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24 So would we want the spirit of Teddy Roosevelt, who according to Kissinger lived a century too late or a century too early, still to influence another century, the twenty-first? The consequences of Nixon's and Kissinger's real politics are well known: increasingly vigorous protests among the international and American public, and persecution mania in the White House. At the end came the Watergate affair, which revealed a hitherto unimaginable abuse of power and criminal energy in the White House and severely shook the trust of American society in its democratic system of checks and balances.
The last point in particular shows how good it would have been, already after the First World War, to have taken some voluntarily and ordered action to liberate these peoples, a course which after the Second World War was often forced on the colonial powers by armed violence. Then follow eight demands (points 6-13) relating to the individual countries, the next two of which seem equally indispensable to Wilson: the restoration of Belgium and the evacuation of the occupied territories of Russia.
The result was a World War and already a total of 20 million dead. Wilson's conviction was that states and their governments simply could not go on like this. ' Is that why Henry Kissinger, who trusts in the methods of the past, speaks so badly of Wilson? (2) Justice for friend and foe: 'What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peaceloving nation which, like our own, wishes to lead its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression.
A Global Ethic for Global Politics and Economics by Hans Kung